Recalling his heydays, he says he would carry an assault rifle, don army fatigues, lest he was singled out in civvies. He admits a direct hand in neutralising over 5000 militants, but out rightly denies that he killed any militant or civilian.
Kanna lives the life of a recluse at his Magam residence which is guarded by a company (100 personnel) of the paramilitary CRPF. After remaining dormant for many years, he suddenly shot into prominence after the government of India decided to confer upon him the Padma Shri, one of India’s highest civilian honours, evoking strong reaction in the Valley.
Kanna was active at a time when the law and order in Kashmir was in absolute shambles, as the former Divisional Commissioner, Wajahat Habibullah has reflected in his book, ‘My Kashmir: Conflict and the Prospects for Enduring Peace’ in which he discusses how civilian authority was often bypassed by the army and police in what he describes as the ‘privileging of the national security interest’ in maintaining law and order. Interestingly, Wajahat is one of the panellists who recommended Kanna for the prestigious award. Wajahat is remembered as “the only human face of the Indian State” who believed in dialogue and accommodation at a time when there was a total breakdown of contact and trust between New Delhi and the Kashmiris.
Kanna was a junior employee in the Forest Department earning a meagre Rs 300 a month but soon after he started working for the forces, he enjoyed official patronage and had direct access to governors, top politicians, army and police officers. He flaunts his high connections and proudly shows photographs taken with the movers and shakers of politics during the peak of militancy, which among others include Farooq Abdullah, Ghulam Hassan Mir and Mir Magami. Kanna opened up with M FAROOQ SHAH and SHOWKAT A MOTTA at his Magam residence.
Before agreeing for an interview with Conveyor, he subtly threatened us with death if he was misquoted.
Excerpts from an interview with Kanna:
You’ve been nominated for Padma Shri. How do you feel about it?
It was the prerogative of the government of India to honour me like this. They believed I had done a great service to the nation and hence chose me for the award. They scanned over my track record—they’ve every little detail of a person before them, you know—and found me a suitable contender for the Padma Shri. As a counterinsurgent, I had no inkling I would be chosen for such an honour. All I knew was that mujahideen were still trying to kill me. I have been placed under a sort of house arrest, like a prisoner. I had joined the counterinsurgency only to save my skin, but I believe that I’ve comforted Muslims a great deal through my work. Contrary to what is being spread through media, I have not killed people. I was no militant but a simple chowkidar in the Forest Department earning a mere Rs 300.
What motivated you to take on the militants when there was almost no support for the Indian rule in the Valley?
In 1990, militants kidnapped my close friend, Ghulam Hassan Mir, who had Rs 19000 in his pocket. Next morning his body was thrown in the Wusan area of Kunzar village, and when his three brothers went to identify him, they couldn’t recognize the body because he was so severely tortured. A rosary and sajdagah (a small round clay tablet used by Shia Muslims during prayers upon which they place their forehead in prostration) in his pocket led to his identification. I got wind that I too would be killed, and so I immediately met then senior minister of India, George Fernandes, at Bakhshi Stadium and decided to work for my country. I joined the counterinsurgency with an open heart; nobody coerced me into it. It was a completely voluntary decision.
Militants in Kashmir received an overwhelming support from the masses. Did you ever think you’d be the subject of condemnation and would be hated for your activities?
I knew it beforehand. We have been through a real ordeal. Terrorists attacked my house several times; they killed my brother and nephew, and my son has also been fired upon. Even if I was a sinner, what was the fault of my son?
Whom did you contact first about carrying out your ambitions—Kashmir police, paramilitary forces or the army?
It so happened that militants had planted a landmine near Magam to attack a contingent of CRPF. I had given prior information to the CRPF which they ignored, and in the ensuing attack 10 of their personnel received severe injuries. They retrieved the injured—half dead—after one hour. They searched for me afterwards and took me to their IG, some Mr Gupta, DIG Mr N K Tiwari and one commandant M A Misra who had headquarters at Humhama, Budgam. From there, they took me to Mr Fernandes and introduced me as their own man. He told me that as long as India was there, they would defend me to the hilt.
Did they train you in using firearms?
No, they did not. We would carry guns though. It’s not difficult to handle firearms; even you could fire them. I would usually carry a gun during operations, donning combat fatigues to avoid being targeted, but I never concealed my face.
You must remember your first operation; can you describe it?
There was this militant group that included Ghulam Ahmad Yatoo, alias Amma Kanna, Qasim Khar, Mohammad Shafi Bhat and Gulzar Ahmad and some more people that laid down their weapons before the security forces. It was the first surrender of its kind. The surrender took place in front of a team that had rushed in from outside and the entire scene was filmed. I facilitated the surrender process.
You have said you helped in neutralising over 5000 militants in Kashmir. It’s a huge number.
Yes, it’s a huge number, but I don’t think anyone was ever killed. It was a total surrender in each case. There was no mobile network at that time and people used to give specific information about the presence of militants in person. They would normally accompany us all the way to the militant hideouts.
Were you after a particular organization?
Militants used to provide information about each other and get their own men apprehended...I would not like to name anyone though because it might jeopardize somebody’s life.
What was your peculiar mode of operation after you received a tipoff about the presence of militants in a particular house or area?
I would say the people would call us back if any militant hiding in some area had escaped our eyes, and inform us of his whereabouts. I remember a place where we had laid our cordon and it so happened that a militant hiding in the attic of a house escaped detection. A woman informed about the presence of the militant in her house, requesting that we take him away. After his arrest the militant took us to a mosque where he had hidden two guns. The woman began to beat her chest, and it baffled me. I asked her why she wailed like. She said if she didn’t cry, she would be doubted and killed. ‘Let the man go to hell,’ she said.
Among those you neutralised during the operations, many might have been top commanders. Do you remember their names?
It wouldn’t be reasonable for me to name them all, otherwise I may face problems. There’s one Abdul Gani Dar, chief of Tehreek-ul-Mujahideen whom I apprehended along with 16 of his men. He’s alive; you may ask him if I did not wipe his beard with my own coat after water was splashed on his face during interrogation. Then there’s General Moosa whom I also captured. I could have killed him easily but I attended to him with courtesy. Slain Hizbul Mujahideen chief commander Shams-ul-Haque’s son, Mushtaq Moulvi who is a Pakistan-trained militant lives in HMT area these days. I got him arrested. I shared a good rapport with people. I remember we laid a siege on a village named Rachhun. I told the villagers that since you complain of night sieges, tell the militants we’ll be coming in daylight and will apprehend them all. We came one morning and about 43 militants were trapped including Shams-ul-Haque and Abdul Waheed Sheikh, who is now in Muzaffarabad. The arrangement was such that each house sheltered one militant. We could have easily torched the entire village but I made an announcement that Shams-ul-Haque was a very good man and he should not be harmed. We decided to call off the operation and let them go. Shams-ul-Haque, who was later killed in an encounter, was a noble man; he surely wouldn’t have gone on killing people.
Almost all the militants you claim to have neutralized carried a cash reward. Were you paid for your services? Did you receive rewards after each operation?
I used to get payments on a monthly basis but it was not like rewards. They— then Governor Girish Chander Saxena and DG Police, B S Bedi— used to pay me a little though, whenever I needed money. I had special access to their offices. I would meet the Governor anytime I wished. The DGP wouldn’t move an inch without my approval.
You said in a recent interview that you played a key role in securing the release of Rubiya Syed, daughter of the former Indian Home Minister, Mufti Mohammad Syed, who had been kidnapped by the JKLF militants in December 1989. How true is it?
We played our part but it’s not to be discussed openly. It was not only her but also two Swedish engineers, former minister Khem Lata Wakhloo and her husband, and many others as well. Mufti Syed knew my connections well. When the Swedish engineers were abducted, the government of India approached me and begged before me to save the honour of India.
Was it after Rubiya’s release that Mufti’s ministerial colleague George Fernandes, Governor Saxena, then Divisional Commissioner Kashmir Wajahat Habibullah and others realized your importance in the war against militants?
It’s only natural: whenever you do something extraordinary, you assume importance. It raised my profile and they all thought I could be employed to work for them.
How close were you to the Mufti family?
Very close indeed. Mufti Syed is like my elder brother. There’re many reasons for it: I got Rubiya Syed released, and helped PDP in several elections also. PDP President Mehbooba Mufti sent her aide Bilal Lodhi, who was a militant-turned-MLC, during the municipal elections of 2005 to me. They wanted my daughter Ateeqa Banoo to contest as a PDP candidate in Magam. I would prefer not to divulge on how I helped the party because it could land me in trouble.
Mehbooba Mufti has criticised your nomination for the Padma Shri award and has said the award has been given to a person against whom there are allegations of murder and rape. She even mentioned some FIRs registered against you in various police stations across the district of Budgam.
This is nothing but politics, an attempt to entice voters. No one should talk about something that’s up in the air unless one has proof. If she’s levelling allegations against me, let her come out in the open and declare it. There’s only one FIR against me, and it is regarding the beating of some journalists in Magam nine years ago.
Moreover, Mehbooba Mufti does not know the level of closeness between me and her father. Her statement has hurt me, and anyway, the world’s full of deceit. I may die tomorrow, who cares. Ask her does no law apply against those Ikhwanis who were trained militants and joined her party after killing several innocent people? I’m a civilian, a simple man, why harass me? Her statement has put me in a lot of trouble. It pains me when journalists ask me if I have raped women or killed people. I’m no more than a security forces’ informer.
Interestingly, I got a phone call from the PDP saying Mehbooba Mufti’s statement about the Padma award to me is part of a political strategy to win the people’s sympathy; I should not take it seriously.
It’s often alleged that many top commanders of Hizbul Mujahideen were killed on the tipoff provided by some senior PDP leaders. Have you any knowledge on the issue?
The poet says: Aeti nau naeri saase manz akh (Out of thousands not even a single man would emerge clean.) If I speak the truth, not even one single person would be spared. Men of wisdom have said: Render unheard what you hear, unseen what you see. I’m not going to open my mouth.
What were the reasons you shifted your loyalties to the National Conference in 2008?
The reason’s simple: Dr Farooq Abdullah is a close friend, a brother. I’m ready to lay down my life for him, I don’t know the rest. Mehbooba Mufti should not have opposed my nomination (for Padma Shri) based on false grounds.
Did you meet the NC leadership, Farooq Abdullah, Omar Abdullah etc, after you decided to work for NC?
Omer Abdullah’s a kid at the moment. I had several meetings with Dr Farooq Abdullah but you’ll kindly excuse me for not disclosing what passed between us. I voted for his party and recommended everyone to do so. I would not say it to you but I sent some top people to Farooq Abdullah to his home in Srinagar, in his own vehicle, with an assurance of our support in blood. Even Omar Abdullah doesn’t know about this. In all, 5000 votes were cast in favour of NC, all due to my efforts.
You’ve said in an interview to a Jammu-based daily that you’re privy to ‘anti-national’ activities of many political leaders and police officers and that you’ve recovered AK-47 rifles, rocket launchers and grenades from the residences of political leaders and even deputy commissioners. Why are you afraid of disclosing their names?
I didn’t say anything about political leaders, or police officers. Whatever appeared in the press is false. However, there’s one case where the government knows full well from whose house in Rajbagh three AK-47 rifles had been recovered. There’s an FIR registered in this regard.
You’ve also said that several police officers having a sound counterinsurgent profile have killed civilians and militants in custody, in fake encounters.
I don’t know anything about this. Such reports are totally false.
Is your informer network still active?
What network, I’m a bed-ridden man eaten away by many ailments and battling with death.
Many counterinsurgents like Kuka Parray and Javed Shah finally ended up in politics. Have you any such ambition?
I don’t have any such ambitions. I’m an Indian, have lived as an Indian and will die as an Indian. I yell out: Hindustan Zindabad, Azad Hindustan Zindabad. I am an Indian mujahid who lived his life as a lion and would die as a lion.
You’re a national hero for India now. Who do you give the credit to for recommending your name for the award?
Former Indian President A P J Abdul Kalam, whose documents are with me, recommended my name for the award. I would rather not show them to you. He’s the one who took me and my wife for the treatment. He has not only assured me of the Padma Shri but of the Gallantry Award as well. The army and the police are working against their salaries. I’ve selflessly worked for my country. They opposed my selection to the award saying I’m a civilian and therefore can’t receive a Gallantry Award. I tell you if I survive, I’ll take that award as well. I’ll meet the President in this regard.
Others who recommended my name include Dr Farooq Abdullah, Minister for Agriculture Ghulam Hassan Mir, MLA Beerwah Mohammad Sarfaraz Khan, former Divisional Commissioner Kashmir Wajahat Habibullah and many others. Hasan Mir’s my close friend. Wajahat is like my brother, and he knows me from the time he was Divisional Commissioner of Kashmir. I often used to visit his Delhi home in Khan Market, especially after he met with an accident in Srinagar. I still remember he had wires tied up all around his jaw to the ear, and I talked to him for three hours. He told his wife to get tea for me. My prayers were answered, he was alright the next morning, and we talked freely. Later on I had lunch there.
You seem to have had close associations with many Indian politicians. You have also said that you had special access to the Governor’s office, the DGP’s office and many other politicians and leaders.
I have had cordial relations with many BJP leaders as well. I had several meetings with the former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his deputy L K Advani. Vajpayee Jee held me in high esteem. I’ve had tea with him in his home. Former BJP president, Dr Harish Vardhan helped me a lot. Former Governor of Goa, Kedar Nath Sahni, called on me when he visited Kashmir. I also share a very amiable rapport with the State BJP president, Chaman Lal Gupta from the time he was MoS Defence. I was very close to the former J&K Governor, G C Saxena and I’ve a letter he wrote to me personally. Former DG Police, J N Saxena who was injured in a bomb blast was close to me. I had a close association with the late Congress leader Rajesh Pilot. He was a top friend, but he’s no more, unfortunately. George Fernandes too was a close friend but he has fallen ill. I’ve enjoyed a great support from a cross section of leadership; however, the response degenerated as conditions improved here.
Don’t you think you have been used against militants?
(Reluctantly opens up). There was a time when they’d not eat without me, but nobody gives a damn now. Given the changed scenario, now I must admit that yes, I was used. I’m at their mercy now, they’ve achieved whatever they wanted to achieve through me. What’s a Padma Shri compared to the services I’ve rendered for my country? I know I’ve to die, and I’m waiting for my death now. There’s a sense of deliberate negligence with regard to my security. For God’s sake, take my voice to the concerned...Take it as the mercy plea of one oppressed.
Are you still on their payroll?
The state government has totally ignored me. I get a regular salary from the Home Ministry.
Now that you say you’ve been used, where does your nomination to Padma Shri place you?
It has put me to a greater risk now. I want to convey it to the Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah and the DG police that there’s a great danger to my life. I’d request them to increase my security or else if they want to leave me to be killed, fine, let them.
The interview has appeared in the March issue of the Conveyor magazinewww.conveyormagazine.com being published for Srinagar, Kashmir.
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